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Shattered Peace: The Origins of the Cold War and the National Security State, by Daniel Yergin
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- Sales Rank: #2191903 in Books
- Published on: 1978-08
- Ingredients: Example Ingredients
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Binding: Paperback
Most helpful customer reviews
15 of 16 people found the following review helpful.
Ultimately missed the point
By J. E. Dyer
. . . but still worth a Cold War student's time for its wide-ranging source material, and representative perspective.
Yergin's book is long on pointed inference and short on rational argument. He makes his points primarily by choosing his adjectives carefully. The principal impression one is left with is that American policy started the Cold War by misinterpreting Stalin after FDR's demise, and hence sentenced the United States to managing, in perpetuum, a "national security state." (FDR, by contrast, dealt with Stalin as one great power actor to another, unburdened by the "messianism" and "Wilsonian utopianism" with which American foreign policy is so often tagged.)
Certainly the proximate origin of the Cold War lay in the fact that the United States was uneasy with Stalin occupying all of eastern Europe, and objected directly to his attempts to set up, through armed force, Communist regimes in Iran, Turkey, and Greece. Yergin implies that because Stalin approached these efforts methodically and carefully, and drew back when confronted, Truman overreacted in accusing him of trying to take over too much of Europe and Asia. Here Yergin suffers a common myopia among Cold War analysts: an apparent inability to see the link between American pushback, or lack of it, and how far the Soviets chose to go. He prefers to interpret both the US and the USSR as actors motivated mainly by confused internal urges, or so one gathers from the profusion of telling adjectives in his narrative.
Yergin does do the signal service of charting America's course from a nation that pursued "interests," as in the pre-WWII era, to one that based its fundamental posture in the world on permanently-existing "threats." At least one reviewer (Edward M. Luttwak, in "The Train of History," Commentary, August 1977) considers Yergin's conclusions here vacuous and overblown, observing that a "national security state" is something every state is, by definition. But Yergin's contribution is really in pointing out that American policy was at one time made relatively free of that European-style premise; it was the menace of Soviet expansionism and the Cold War that forced us to adopt it. (John Lewis Gaddis' 1982 book, Strategies of Containment, has a much better theoretical discussion of the distinction between basing national policy on interests, and basing it first and foremost on threats.)
Luttwak's review of this book is superb, if you can get your hands on it. (It's collected in his 1980 book Strategy and Politics.) He takes Yergin to task rather severely for including a large amount of "human-interest" material, such as the weather and ceremonial arrangements when FDR arrived at Yalta; and ultimately describes the book as "free of any trace of genuine scholarship." I would give Yergin a little slack on the human-interest front, however. I wouldn't have missed for the world his summary on page 47 of the following exchange between Mrs. Robert Taft and Senator Arthur Vandenberg, then the leading Republican foreign policy spokesman in the Senate:
"Once, urged on by her husband, Mrs. Robert Taft tried to "butter Van up" at a dinner party, but was forced to report that she found the task impossible - `he buttered himself so thoroughly that I really couldn't find a single ungreased spot.' "
Anecdote, and 100 pages of notes and bibliography, make Yergin's book worth your time.
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
A Convincing Treatment
By conjunction
As someone who tends to be critical of what is difficult to describe as other than American Imperialism, I patiently read this book trying to find the point at which the Yanks blew it, sank into paranoia and overkilled on trying to wipe out communism.
The review by Mr Dyer suggests that Yergin implies the USA's diplomats were actually unnecessarily paranoid and that the USSR were never really up for war.
However this is not my reading of Yergin's text. Yergin often suggests that 'maybe' the Russians weren't quite as dangerous as the USA thought they might be, but never raises any argument to counter the one posed by George Kennan and later President Truman and the whole US political establishment that as Russia believed in world revolution they had to be treated as a threat.
In fact reading this book the only real areas of doubt about the course the Americans planned concern the Vietnam war. Apparently the decision to give Vietnam back to France at the end of the war was made against the advice of the section of the State Department responsible for SouthEast Asia, and in his 1990 epilogue Yergin notes that post Vietnam Americans came to acknowledge that local conditions and interests may sometimes be more relevant than global strategy. A lesson they were later to forget.
So my reading of Yergin, is that despite his rather coy suggestions that the Russians weren't really all that bad, and with the exception that maybe Vietnam was a mistake, his text is really saying the Cold War could not have been avoided.
As other reviews have suggested Yergin relies heavily on personal anecdotes. This is history through the lens of the recorded writings, interviews, and statements of the American and sometimes British personnel. Any views on Russia are filtered through Western perceptions.
Reviewer Dyer quotes Luttwak as saying Yergin has no scholarship, but his consideration of the thoughts of Allied politicians is measured and thoughtful, and this is a convincing treatment of the subject.
9 of 11 people found the following review helpful.
Still the best account of the origins of the Cold War
By A Customer
Is this book a 'classic'? If it isn't then I don't know what would qualify for the name. A breath of fresh air when it was first released, it quite nicely debunked the existing interpretations of Liberal National, New Left and (rather fratricidally) the earlier Realist historians. It is meticulously researched and easy to read - it deserves a place on the shelf of every person with an interest in the international affairs of the 20th century, especially as it is now within the price range of most buyers.
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